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Middle East and North Africa
Israel |
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Last updated: 25 June 2009
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Country information
POLITICS AND ELECTIONS
Israel is a democratic republic. Elections to the single-chamber legislature, the Knesset, are based on a system of proportional representation. The Knesset has 120 members who are elected from party lists. No Israeli political party has ever won an absolute majority in the Knesset. The law stipulates that elections should be held every four years, but they are often called sooner.
Israel does not have a written constitution, but a series of 'Basic Laws'.
The President is the Head of State, which is mainly a ceremonial post. The current incumbent, Shimon Peres, was elected by members of the Knesset in June 2007.
Elections to the current Knesset took place on 10 February 2009. These elections distributed seats among 12 parties: Kadima 28, Likud, 27, Israel Beitenu 15, Labour 13, Shas 11, United Torah Judaism 5, The New Movement – Meretz 3, National Union 4, Jewish Home 3, Hadash 4, United Arab List 4, Balad 3. Since no party had an overall majority, President Peres asked Benjamin Netanyahu to form a coalition government. The Knesset approved Netanyahu’s government on 31 March 2009. The coalition is currently made up of Likud, Israel Beitenu, Shas, Labour, United Torah Judaism, and Jewish Home.
THE UK’S ROLE IN THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PROCESS
The UK’s position on the Arab-Israeli conflict is clear. We believe that there is no viable alternative to a two-state solution based on the 1967 borders: a democratic and viable state of Palestine must live peacefully alongside an Israel secure from attack and recognised by its neighbours. Jerusalem must be the capital for both, with a just settlement for refugees.
The Arab Peace Initiative is an excellent basis for progress towards these goals. We are working with our partners – including the EU and the new US Administration – to pursue the peace process with vigour.
Actions by both Israelis and Palestinians have contributed to the crisis that has characterised their relationship in recent years. We are friends of both the Israelis and the Palestinians, and we believe that this gives us the opportunity to talk openly and frankly to both sides to encourage them towards peace. We continue to help to support the peace talks.
The UK acknowledges and understands Israel’s legitimate concerns over its national security. Israel’s interests are linked with those of the 22 states of the Arab League, and an essential aspect of the two-state solution is that Israel be not only officially recognised by its neighbours, but also feel safe from aggression. The Arab Peace Initiative offers a clear way forward.
The negative effect that the continued rocket attacks against Israel have on the peace process should not be underestimated.
We are committed to the establishment of a viable Palestinian state and, over three years, we plan to provide over £250 million to help the Palestinian people and build the institutions of a future Palestinian State.
For more information, go to: Middle East Peace Process on the FCO website.
THE UK POSITION ON JERUSALEM
Jerusalem was supposed to be a 'corpus separatum', or international city administered by the UN. But this was never set up: immediately after the UNGA resolution partitioning Palestine, Israel occupied West Jerusalem and Jordan occupied East Jerusalem (including the Old City). We recognised the de facto control of Israel and Jordan, but not sovereignty. In 1967, Israel occupied East Jerusalem, which the international community continues to consider is under illegal military occupation by Israel. Our Embassy to Israel is in Tel Aviv, not Jerusalem. In East Jerusalem we have a Consulate-General, with a Consul-General who is not accredited to any state: this is an expression of our view that no state has sovereignty over Jerusalem.
The UK position was expressed formally in April 1950, when HM Government extended simultaneous de jure recognition to both Jordan and Israel. However, the statement withheld recognition of the sovereignty of either Jordan or Israel over the sectors of the city which each then held, within the area of the corpus separatum as stipulated in UN General Assembly Resolution 303 (IV) of 1949. In the British view, no such recognition was possible before a final determination of the status of this area, although HM Government did recognise that both Jordan and Israel exercised 'de facto authority' over those parts of the city and area which each held.
After the 1967 war, with Israel occupying all of Jerusalem, the Israeli Government immediately extended its civil law to the whole city, simultaneously greatly enlarging the municipal boundaries into the West Bank. This purported annexation of East Jerusalem was reaffirmed in 1980 when Israel enacted its 'Jerusalem Law', formally declaring East and West Jerusalem together, 'whole and united', to be 'the capital of Israel'.
The UK rejects these Israeli measures to change the status of Jerusalem. The UN Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 478 of 1980 in response to the Israeli annexation, declaring it to be a violation of international law; the British Government has reiterated and amplified this position many times since.
HM Government's formal position is based on the 1950 statement: it recognises that Israel exercises de facto authority in West Jerusalem and, from 1950 to 1967, recognised that Jordan exercised de facto authority in East Jerusalem. Since the war of 1967, HM Government has regarded Israel as being in occupation of East Jerusalem, and in this connection subject to the rules of law applicable to such an occupation, in particular the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949. HM Government also holds that the provisions of Security Council Resolution 242 on the withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the 1967 war applies to East Jerusalem. The Venice Declaration and subsequent statements (both by the UK alone and with EU partners) have made clear that no unilateral attempts to change the status of Jerusalem are valid.
The UK believes that the city's status has yet to be determined, and maintains that it should be settled in an overall agreement between the parties concerned. The Declaration of Principles and the Interim Agreement, signed by Israel and the PLO on 13 September 1993 and 28 September 1995 respectively, left the issue of the status of Jerusalem to be decided in the 'permanent status' negotiations between the two parties.
DEFENCE
The Israel Defence Forces (IDF) comprise an Army of 125,000 regulars, of whom 100,000 are conscripts, and an additional 460,000 reservists; an Air Force of 13 squadrons, manned by 32,000 regulars, of whom 22,000 are conscripts, and an additional 5,000 reservists; and a Navy manned by 8,000 regulars, of whom 3,000 are conscripts, and an additional 2,000 reservists. There is also a paramilitary Border Police force of 6,000 responsible for control of frontiers, as well as responsibility for security in Jerusalem.
Israel has compulsory military service; both men and women are called up at the age of 18. Some 60% of Israeli women and 72% of men are actually conscripted. Compulsory military service is 36 months for men and 24 months for women. Men are required to do reserve duty until the age of 40, and some women until the age of 30, although reserve duty obligations vary depending on the unit. There are limits of 36 days for soldiers and 70 days for officers over any three-year period. There is continuing controversy in Israel about the exemption from military service of Orthodox Jews studying in religious seminars (yeshivot).
The IDF is responsible for securing all international borders around the State of Israel, including the control of airspace and coastal waters. The IDF is the occupying power in the Occupied Territories and therefore acts as the interface between the State of Israel and the Palestinians.
The Co-ordinator for Administration in the Territories (COGAT) is a Major-General who answers to the Defence Minister and the IDF Chief of Staff. COGAT is also responsible for liaison with the International Community and NGOs operating in the occupied territories.
Since Israel completed its disengagement from the Gaza Strip in September 2005, IDF Ground Forces are now relocated outside the Strip. However the IDF continues to control the airspace over Gaza and coastal waters. Restrictions on movement are imposed on personnel and goods entering and leaving the Gaza Strip.
HUMAN RIGHTS
The UK remains concerned about the human rights situation in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, in particular Israel’s failure to improve movement and access restrictions for Palestinians, the continued construction of settlements and the barrier in the West Bank, and whether Israel’s use of force is always necessary and proportionate.
Annual Report on Human Rights 2008 [PDF 5.72MB]
UK SUPPORT ON HUMAN RIGHTS
While the UK recognises Israel’s right to protect itself against terrorist attacks, the Israeli government is called upon to do so in full compliance with its obligations in international law. The UK works with Israeli ministers, officials, and the military to address matters of policy. The UK continues to raise a range of human rights concerns with the Israeli authorities, including on the construction of settlements and route of the barrier, the conduct of Israel’s armed forces, Palestinian movement and access, and the humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip. The UK supports a number of Israeli NGOs which work on human rights issues.
