Georgia |
|
|
Last reviewed: 7 April 2008 |
A powerful coalition of reformists headed by Mikheil Saakashvili, Nino Burjanadze and Zurab Zhvania formed to oppose Shevardnadze's government in the 2 November 2003 parliamentary elections. The elections were widely regarded as rigged. In response, the opposition organised massive demonstrations in the streets of Tbilisi. After two tense weeks, Shevadnadze resigned on 23 November 2003, and was replaced as president on an interim basis by Burjanadze. These events became known as the Rose Revolution.
On 4 January 2004 Mikheil Saakashvili won the Presidential Elections with 96% of the votes cast. Constitutional amendments were put through Parliament in February strengthening the powers of the President to dismiss Parliament and creating the post of Prime Minister. Zhvania was appointed as Prime Minister and Burjanadze Speaker of Parliament. Following the death of Zhvania in 2005, Zurab Noghaideli became Prime Minister.
With continuing Russian political and economic support to separatist governments in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Russia/Georgia relations remain tense. Russian troops have a role as peacekeepers in the conflict regions. The conflicts remain unresolved and Saakashvili's public pledge to restore Georgia’s territorial integrity remains a source of tension with the separatist regions and Russia.
Despite a clear record of results on some issues Saakashvili remains under pressure to continue delivering his stated far reaching agenda of reforms. Both Western Governments and international NGOs have concerns over the human rights situation (particularly in the penitentiary system), unemployment, judicial reform, corruption, and the continuing tension over territorial integrity.
On 2 November 2007 over 50,000 people participated in peaceful demonstrations against the Government. By 7 November, with numbers of protesters significantly less, the authorities took measures to clear demonstrators off the road using methods that included tear gas, rubber bullets and truncheons. The Georgian Government has defended these actions, claiming that a coup was imminent. Late on 7 November a State of Emergency was declared, some opposition members were arrested and there were accusations were made about Russian attempts to influence opposition leaders and inspire a coup.
The State of Emergency was lifted on 16 November, and most of those arrested were released shortly afterwards. Presidential elections, which were expected to be held in mid-2008 were brought forward to 5 January. In accordance with the constitution, Saakashvili stood down as President ahead of the elections, and the Speaker of Parliament, Nino Burjanadze, became Acting Head of State on 25 November. On 22 November, the Georgian Parliament endorsed the appointment of a new Prime Minister LadoGurgenidze
The elections were held on 5 January 2008 in a relatively calm atmosphere. On 6 January, the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM), led by OSCE/ODIHR, reported in their preliminary findings that the election process “was in essence consistent with most OSCE and Council of Europe commitments and standards for democratic elections, [but] significant challenges were revealed which need to be addressed urgently”. The opposition claimed widespread irregularities and fraud, notably in regions inhabited by national minorities, and on 8 January, Levan Gachechiladze, candidate of the United Public Movement (UPM), and several supporters, stormed into the Central Election Commission (CEC) to confront the CEC Chair. Their principal demand was that results found to have been falsified be annulled, with the possibility that this could bring Saakashvili’s vote below 50%, and so require a second round. Opposition activists and sympathetic NGOs held demonstrations outside the CEC and the Georgian Public Broadcaster.
On 13 January the Central Election Commission (CEC) announced the final results. Saakashvili avoided a second round by obtaining 53.5% of the vote. Plebiscites on NATO membership, and the timing of parliamentary elections were also held. 72.5% voted for NATO integration, and 69.8% for Spring Parliamentary Elections.
Saakashvili was inaugurated as President for a second 5-year term on 20 January in rather more low-key celebrations than those which followed the Rose Revolution. In his speech he set out a 50-day plan to deal with poverty, boost the creation of new businesses and ease hardship in rural areas. He praised the opposition's participation in the elections, promising them a greater role in future, and offered friendship to Russia "in a spirit of mutual respect, camaraderie and shared gains". On 31 January Parliament endorsed a new Cabinet.
In the run-up to Spring Parliamentary Elections the political environment remains polarized, and opposition have continued to protest against the election results and have held several demonstrations.
Territorial integrity remains President Saakashvili's main goal. On taking office he made it clear that the reintegration process should be completed rapidly.
Relations between the Georgian government and semi-separatist Ajarian leader Aslan Abashidze deteriorated rapidly in 2004, with Abashidze rejecting Saakashvili's demands for the Tbilisi government to extend its power in Ajaria. Saakashvili's ultimatums eventually forced Abashidze to resign and flee Georgia for Moscow in 2004, and Ajara is now a fully integrated part of Georgia.
In February 1992, the provisional Georgian Military Council announced Georgia’s return to its 1921 constitution. The Abkhaz Supreme Soviet was concerned that Abkhazia’s status was not adequately taken into consideration and so a draft treaty outlining plans on federal relations was sent to Tbilisi. Tbilisi did not respond and in July 1992 the Abkhaz Parliament reinstated the 1925 Abkhaz Constitution.
On 14 August 1992 Georgian armed forces entered the Gali region of Abkhazia, ostensibly to rescue thirteen government hostages and secure the rail line to Russia. However, the troops advanced towards Sukhumi and attacked Abkhaz government buildings. From summer 1992 to summer 1993, Georgian troops controlled much of Abkhazia, including Sukhumi, while fighting continued, causing great civilian hardship. On 27 July 1993, Russia mediated an agreement in Sochi for a cease-fire and the phased demilitarisation of Abkhazia. However, on 16 September Abkhaz troops broke the cease-fire and opened an all-front surprise offensive from Gudauta, north of Sukhumi, with support from North Caucasus volunteers. After eleven days of intense fighting, they controlled almost all Abkhazia, with the exception of the upper gorge of the Kodori river. Most ethnic Georgians fled. Georgian authorities state – with the backing of several OSCE declarations – that this was the result of ethnic cleansing by Abkhaz forces.
The May 1994 Moscow Agreement, which formally ended the military conflict was signed under UN auspices. The Moscow Agreement, facilitated by Russia provided for a ceasefire, separation of forces and the deployment of the CIS Peacekeeping Force (CIS PKF). In June 1994, the entirely Russian CIS PKF deployed in the conflict zone and their mandate has never been modified. The Moscow Agreement also provides for UN monitoring, known as the UN Observer Mission to Georgia (UNOMIG) and currently there are 121 international military observers. UNOMIG is responsible for monitoring and verifying the observance of the successive ceasefires, observing the operation of the CIS peacekeeping force and to contribute to conditions conducive to the safe and orderly return of refugees and displaced persons. The UN also chairs high-level negotiations between the Georgians and the Abkhaz within the "Geneva Process".
The UN peace process is supported by the Friends of the Secretary-General (FOSG), and consists of Russia, US, UK, France, and Germany. There has been little progress on agreeing the outlines of a comprehensive political settlement based on a possible division of constitutional competences between Georgia and Abkhazia. Progress on the return of refugees and improving the security environment has also been slow.
Although some Georgian internally displaced persons (IDPs) from the conflict have returned to Gali district, an estimated 200,000 IDPs remain in temporary accommodation, awaiting a political settlement that would guarantee their safety. The Georgian Government has often linked any political negotiation with the return of IDPs ensuring that they remain a poignant reminder of the unresolved conflicts.
In 2006 the Georgian Government reaffirmed their control of the upper Kodori valley (also known as upper Abkhazia) and installed the local Georgian government which had been exiled during the 1992/3 campaign. The Government has pledged to redevelop the area under its control and has built schools, hospitals and entertainment facilities.
South Ossetia was granted the status of an autonomous region (oblast) in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1923. In spring 1992, fighting escalated, between Georgian and Ossetian forces. Yeltsin and Shevardnadze signed a ceasefire agreement in Sochi on 24 June 1992. The devastation resulting from the war included over 1,000 dead, 100 missing, extensive destruction of homes and infrastructure, and many refugees and IDPs being forced to flee their homes.
A 15km zone of conflict (radiating from the centre of Tskhinvali) was established. On the ground, the authorities of the former oblast maintained control over the districts of Tskhinvali, Java, Znauri, and parts of Akhalgori. The Tbilisi central government controlled the rest of Akhalgori and several ethnic Georgian villages in the Tskhinvali district.
The Sochi Agreement also set up the Joint Control Commission (JCC), a quadrilateral body with Georgian, Russian, North and South Ossetian representatives, plus participation from the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The JCC was created to supervise the observance of the agreement, draft and implement conflict settlement measures, promote dialogue and political settlement, devise and carry out measures to facilitate refugee and IDP return, solve problems related to economic reconstruction in the zone of conflict, and monitor human rights. In practice, the JCC's work has tended to focus on three main issues, each with a working group: military and security matters, economic rehabilitation of the zone of conflict, and establishing conditions for the return of refugees and IDPs.
A Joint Peacekeeping Force (JPKF) was estabished in 1992 made up from a battalion (around 500 men) from North Ossetia, Russia and Georgia. The JPKF is mandated to restore peace and maintain law and order in the zone of conflict and security corridor, as well as in districts and villages not in the zone of conflict. It also monitors provisions of the ceasefire agreement. A Russian major-general is in overall command of the JPKF.
Since 2003 the Georgian Government has maintained pressure on the Tskhinvali regime to reintegrate with Georgia. In 2004, Georgia mounted a limited, unsuccessful operation to restore territorial integrity. The current Georgian peace plan focuses on demilitarising the conflict zone and economic development ahead of a final political settlement. To support this approach the OSCE launched a 10 million Euro economic reconstruction project (to which the UK is contributing).
On 8 May 2007 the Georgian parliament passed a resolution to set up a provisional administrative entity in South Ossetia. President Saakashvili appointed Dimitry Sanakoev as its head.